First published Friday 24th June 2016
I have a terrible vision. Boris Johnson, in full Prime Ministerial jester costume, dances and cavorts in front of a delighted British populace whilst behind him, the brand new, UKIP-reinforced Conservative Party jackboots triumphantly over discarded worker and human rights banners toward the glory of total free market sovereignty, weapons of NHS destruction and privatisation plans in hand…
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On the day of a momentous, historic, and quite possibly tragic referendum decision to leave the European Union, I have little in the way of optimism to offer. A divisive, bigotry-fueled campaign provided the platform for the disenfranchised UK electorate to unite – well, for 52% of the nation to unite – against a common scapegoat; those bloody foreigners. Based on the highly informed decision that ‘we’ve had it with them telling us what to do’ a majority of my nation has voted us out of the EU.
‘Enough!’, ‘No more!’ ‘Undemocratic!’ the internet trolls, a large number unbidden strangers, shouted at me via Facebook comments. Some shouted a lot of other unsavoury things too, but that level of bile was expected from the Leave campaign’s xenophobic base. However, left-wing and centrist campaigners alike often evoked the wonderful world of possibility and freedom that escaping from the, um, diktats of the ‘undemocratic’ EU Central Commission (to the safety of our democratic House of Lords?)… that escaping their imposed laws would… umm… they said something about possible, exciting new trade deals we could be making across the world, or at least just the trusty old Commonwealth… and… err…
I don’t know. I didn’t agree with their arguments then either but they certainly all sounded pretty definite when they were describing these fairytale futures. ‘Imagine it!’ they said, ‘imagine getting Cameron out, and having an election and the new, post-EU, truly democratic world of a once again Great Britain!’
Fine, here’s my vision of England’s brave new world. It’s not positive, but what do you expect? A decision that affects the immediate economic and cultural future of my nation was decided by the political equivalent of an X-Factor contest. The phones have closed and the result is… we’re out. So what happens next?
As the dust settles and the final decision is confirmed, three relationships begin to collapse, one immediate, one imminent and one impending. Firstly, David Cameron resigns. His decision to hold a referendum on the most important decision of our nation for fifty years, a ‘political necessity’ of Eurosceptic appeasement if he was to stem the flow of Tory voters to UKIP and re-unite his party, is a ploy that fails. Rightfully, after gambling our nation’s future on his political ambition to entice the right-wing back in, then losing it all, he resigns and crawls away. Stepping down, he returns to a life out of the public eye, taking solace in a simpler existence; that of humbly investing his father’s tax avoidance fortune.
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Our fifty year, stormy love affair with the EU ends abruptly, and the decision to Leave is received acrimoniously. They take some time to think, to accept our departure and come to terms with the UK’s decision to walk out. Surprisingly quickly, the EU gets over it. All of the UK’s old stuff gets dumped on the pavement, and lengthy, acrimonious trade renegotiations have to be discussed, now under the heavy cloud of betrayal. Determined to make sure that nothing like this happens to it again, the EU takes away the UK’s mate’s rates, and imposes a number of harsh penalties; a public beat-down to show what happens when you throw away a fifty year relationship overnight. Finding that it isn’t as popular as it thought it was, the UK loses a number of friends through the breakup, but over half of the populace remains stays positive, recalling the Leave campaign’s assurances of meeting wonderful new people and starting fantastic new trade relationships literally anywhere else in the world.
On our political horizon, another referendum looms as our on-again, off-again relationship with Scotland hits the rocks. So close to ruin just two years ago, Scotland, seeing the warning signs of the UK’s continuing unwillingness to reduce the power of Westminster rule under Boris Johnson and Labour’s resurgent Blairite influence, asks its people a second time if they really want to stay in partnership with an increasingly unpopular, continentally clout-less England.
But ‘Fear not!’ the New Conservatives bellow uproariously after their victory, as a second Bullingdon leader rises from Cameron’s ashes, conveniently unencumbered by irksome national elections. An ever-buoyant Boris Johnson pinwheels to centrestage, where his consistently, if surprisingly effective media strategy of appearing everywhere, like a politically-empowered clown, bibbling and guffawing from every media outlet, effectively mollifies the Conservative faithful.
Post-referendum, the widely popular, mop-topped face of the Tory right-wing enjoys an immediately reinvigorated electoral map, making political headway into the once Labour-strongholds of the north, as they lure the UKIP-friendly voter base toward the Conservative flock. The Conservative fight against Farage’s racists gains traction, as those voters originally disenfranchised by free market economics and Tory austerity, then driven toward xenophobic scapegoating are assured that the less-odious-than-UKIP Tories are the Party to speak for their fears. Johnson makes an impassioned plea against aggressive campaign tactics, and pledges to bring about the return to a calmer type of politics, saying more reasonable things like ‘I’m not racist but…’ and making efforts to not so overtly incite anyone to shoot anyone else.
The general election proves to be a vastly different battleground to the one expected before the referendum. The media fight for the hearts and minds of the electorate lurches to the right after the loss on June 23rd, as the press more avidly pursues 52% of the public’s stated mandate. They won, fair and square, Rupert Murdoch explains publically to his staff, so the agenda rightly becomes one of ‘us’ over ‘them’.
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The referendum gifts Boris Johnson a golden ticket, and he utilises his newfound support base and two years of UK premiership to stride forward with a decisive legislative agenda. Finally, the publically demanded clamp-down on shirkers and welfare state scroungers begins. Those troublesome human rights and worker rights regulations foisted on the UK by the EU are sent back where they came from (‘yeah!’), with the removal of restrictive leave and benefits rights finally enabling our workers to compete in a free market against the less costly workforces of Korea, China and Eastern Europe. Sadly, and despite the New Conservative’s best efforts to save it, the NHS proves to be just too economically unviable to continue in its current form. However, a series of complex plans and initiatives emerge, offering salvation via a more robust investment framework. These are put in place just in time to rescue the limping institution. And there was much rejoicing.
The Tory electoral message focuses on speaking to the more important issues, such as stricter immigration laws to deter ISIS terrorists and the urgency of addressing these BIG issues first, before getting around to all that other stuff. The slogan ‘Trust Us Like You Always Have’ launches the Conservative election campaign, and polls react favourably, showing important issue campaigns such as ‘Immigrants, are they all bloody foreigners?’ and ‘Invest in our NHS’ ensuring popularity across their most vital demographics, especially in the 65+ age group.
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With the New Conservatives marching to the political right to share chest-bumps with their fellow UKIP victors, the political centre becomes alluringly free again. With the referendum having effectively proved that the liberal-left youth vote has no power to deliver a victory, at least until most of our racist grandparents have died, the electoral viability of a shiny Blairite candidate ripples through the Parliamentary Labour Party. The polarising effect of the referendum instills the idea of a similarly charged ‘us versus them’ general election in the style of the upcoming US election. This proves an opportunity for the PLP to call for a change in leadership and direction, to install ‘a Clinton’ to counter the Conservative’s Trump caricature. The knives that were being sharpened for Jeremy Corbyn ever since his victory on 12th September last year, were finally unsheathed. Corbyn and his scruffy, unelectable idea of a return to a grassroots politics Labour movement die on the senate floor, his last words echoing around the chamber, ‘Et tu, Burnham?’
As New New Labour positions itself back in the comfy chairs of centrist politics, much protesting and dissent appears from the increasingly radicalised left-wing, but fortunately new laws and enforcement measures prove highly effective in managing these outbursts, and the public is reassured across the media to see Boris actively taking charge. Whether it’s Prime Minister Johnson blustering entertainingly through any dwindling media dissent, Boris humorously fluffing part of his speech at a youth rally or BoJo manning a water cannon, it is universally agreed that the PM works tirelessly to put the public’s fears to rest.
With Corbyn’s reinvigorated Labour membership now unrepresented again, the general election takes on a more recognisable format. The paradigm of an ineffective centrist Labour jostling with an uncaring right wing Conservative Party seems oddly familiar to the ‘electorate’, and the illusion of stability is reassuring to the now democratically apathetic English public.
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‘Well, what can you do?’ they say to reporters as public services fail and become unaffordable, just as social mobility reaches all-time highs. ‘Oh dear’, they opine as the health services continue on their mandated erosion schedule and seepage into private hands. Nevertheless, the public gets to chuckle from time to time too, as Boris jingles his shiny jester bells whilst taking an embarrassing tumble amongst the rubble of a demolished hospital.
With schools failing and inequality soaring, a new class division begins to take form in England. As both of these groups, the Gentrified and the Wetherspooners, look toward a general election that neither has any interest of voting in, an old and familiar sense of peace begins to settle in the English mind-set.
Something creeps in from all of those nostalgia-laced leave campaigns, an attitude of acceptance from an older time leaks through, and a phrase begins to rise in our national memory. A phrase so ingrained and so English that it perfectly encapsulates the apathy of the modern voter.
A phrase half-forgotten through decades of living under the delusion of national democratic importance. A phrase from a time when the public knew its place.
‘Mustn’t grumble.’